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– Ensuring food security
For large-scale production, 700,000 new acres of maize, potato, and rice will be cultivated under a private-public partnership scheme.
The government aims to increase Kenya’s maize production from the current 40 million bags to 67 million by 2022 and potato from 1.6 million tons to 2.5 million tons over the same period.
There will be more use of locally blended fertiliser, waivers of duty for cereal-drying equipment, bags, and fishing equipment.
They will boost smallholder productivity with 68 new fishing vessels on the Coast, curb illegal fishing in Kenya’s waters, build a new shipyard, have traceability of animals to drive exports, a warehouse receipt system and a commodity fund for farmers.
They aim to train 1,000 SMEs in food processing along the value chain. Also, to reduce the cost of food, contract farmers will supply the strategic food reserve and a subsidy model for farmers will see investments in post-harvest loss reduction, early warning systems, rehabilitation of fish landing sites on Lake Victoria (at Busia, Migori, Homa Bay) and elimination of multiple levies along the value chain.
– Affordable housing
To come up with affordable houses, the focus will be on raising low-cost funds from the public and private sectors for investment in large-scale housing production.
The housing sector will create 350,000 jobs, and provide a market for manufacturers and suppliers. The Kenya Mortgage Refinancing Company will issue bonds to local capital markets and extend longer-term loans to financial institutions to secure mortgages. Also, there will be PPP land swaps, centralised housing for police and prisons, more activities at the NSSF, and reduced tax rates for developers who construct 100 houses a year. There will also be a pilot scheme at Mavoko for construction of 8,200 houses.
There will be a modern industrial park in Naivasha, apparel industrial sheds in Athi River, and the establishment of the Dongo Kundu special economic zone (SEZ) and rollout of genetically modified cotton. For leather, they will complete the Machakos leather park, and train 5,000 cottage industries, change policies to stop imports of finished leather and identify three other industrial parks along the SGR.
They plan to accelerate the export of agro-processed products by mapping tea, dairy, meat, and crop value chains. They will attract two global tea processors to Mombasa, regulate milk hawking, develop warehousing (there is already a warehouse receipts bill in Parliament) and cold chains and make Mombasa a food value hub and all these could create 200,000 jobs. Also, the manufacturing of construction materials could create 10,000 new jobs when combined with a “buy Kenya” policy that targets 70 per cent of housing material.
In oil and mining, they plan to attract one global mining player and export Turkana oil. In iron and steel they hope to attract $1 billion in new investments and establish coal and iron deposits, In ICT, they hope to assemble phones, TV’s and laptops, and have 5 BPO players, an IT entrepreneurs programme and an innovation ecosystem of incubators and accelerators which could create 10,000 jobs.
For fish processing, there will be a $20 million fish feed mill, a blue ocean policy and an aquaculture special economic zone on Lake Victoria, which could see Kenya’s fish exports grow from 2,500 tons annually to 18,000 tons and this should create 20,000 jobs.
There will be 290 vocational training centres in all constituencies, tightening of import rules for finished goods, and support for 10,000 SMEs to reach export standards. Also, they will set up a Kenya Export Guarantee Fund, expand the India and China markets, and establish a Kenya Biashara Bank.
– Affordable healthcare
Health spending will go from Sh61 billion in 2018 to Sh73 billion in 2021 and Kenya will go from the current 36 per cent coverage to achieve 100 per cent universal health coverage by 2022 when the population will be 50 million.
They will reconfigure the National Hospital Insurance Fund, which, besides digitisation, will also extend services through 37,000 bank agents. The Linda Mama (free maternity) programme will be rolled out to missionary and private hospitals and there will be CT scan capability in all counties.
When the DEA wanted to finish Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar, they used les pepe a vigilante group also involved in the drug business and back home, When Orengo wanted to be the luo kingpin, he used Miguna Miguna.
Back in the 90s, the government of Colombia wIth the help of DEA had failed in their attempts to arrest Pablo whose popularity was rising despite him being the most wanted criminal.
DEA and CIA thus decided to work secretly with les pepe who knew Escobar inside out so they had to ‘tarnish’ his name which they did by successfully making him look like a devil. In 1993 Pablo was dead.
Back home, James Orengo has tried in vain to be the luo kingpin and He understands that to achieve this, he must first finish Raila. Just like Pablo, Raila has a way of rejuvenating himself when all odds are against him.
It is with this understanding that Orengo is now using the man who once advised Raila to deal with him.
First Orengo being a senior lawyer in the hierarchy of ODM was supposed to administer the controversial oath at Uhuru Park when Raila swore to be the peoples president. Orengo knew the consequences and what it meant so He went for Miguna Miguna. This is when Miguna’s problems began and Orengo being the smart lawyer he is, he was the one representing Miguna in court.
His first mission was to mess the relationship between Miguna and Raila and this He did when Miguna was deported. According to Miguna, Raila ought to have intervened by calling for mass action until He was brought back home. This never happened and Miguna was left to fight alone.
There was drama when Miguna Miguna returned home after he hid his Canadian passport and He could not be allowed to leave the airport. When Raila and the Canadian government intervened to try help him out, Orengo stood his ground that Miguna Miguna should not produce his passport for stamping neither should he apply for a temporally visa. What followed was drama and Miguna was deported back to Dubai.
The move seems to have worked as MIguna Miguna has come out to attack Raila claiming he is dining with despots. Majority of people from Luoland feel that Raila has failed the man who fought for him and thus he can’t be trusted. Since the deportation of Miguna, raila has been attacked from all corners and although the luo council of elders has come out to rebuke Orengo for misleading Miguna Miguna, He has already scored the first goal against Raila.
Watch out for part two on why Jimmie Wanjigi supports Orengo.
A few years after Kenya’s independence a young man Tom Mboya rose to prominence in Kenya’s politics. He was the people’s favorite having been born to a Luo family but grew up in Thika with the Agikuyu. He had a good command of both languages and was loved by both tribes alike. He was the ideal politician.
As he grew up he used his networks & charisma to link young Kenyan education enthusiasts with opportunities abroad and won their love and loyalty even more.
However there was only space for one Luo to speak for the people of the Western part of Kenya. It could either be J.O Odinga or T. Mboya. Not both. We know what happened.
Today we have Rt. Hon. Raila A. Odinga gracefully retiring from politics. Two high profile Luo lawyers want to take over from ‘Baba’. One is smooth, suave well-groomed & polished. The other is a narcissist cantankerous unreliable rough-around-the-edges bully.
The polished chap has build his reputation over decades. The bully has forced his way into the national psyche through controversy.
From either Senior Counsel J. Orengo or International Lawyer Miguna will come forth the next Luo spokesman. The two now split Baba’s fanatic supporters nearly evenly between them. By the end of this year only one will be left standing.
Rt. Hon. R. A. Odinga cannot take sides on this – though petty observers did note that during the airport incident Raila was seated alongside SC. Orengo while Miguna stood against the opposite wall.
Whatever the case the battle for Luo Supremacy has just began. It will be long, nasty, and brutish. It will also be live and it will define the life and times of the 21st Century Kenyan Politics.
My money – however – is on Orengo. He will tear Miguna to pieces. (Reaches out for the popcorn).
Jaluo Jeuri, (JJ).
I have defended Miguna Miguna in the past, both in print and in private – at least, it was meant to be private, until Miguna broke an undertaking of confidence and made a private communication public.
That is typical of the Miguna we have unfortunately come to know – a person with deeply worrying issues and insufficient personal morality to restrain him from selling his friends down the road, let alone to prevent his embarking on a campaign of all-consuming personal vengeance filled with hatred.
Many of us, including Raila Odinga – the object of Miguna’s poisonous wrath, have tried hard to save Miguna in the past. Ultimately, in the Prime Minister’s office, it became impossible to keep Miguna and to protect him from himself.
It is deeply sad that a man with a good brain should be tortured and destroyed by emotions he cannot control, so that he ends up a victim at the mercy of his own self-destructive inner turmoil.
Other responses to charges in the Miguna book, Peeling Back the Mask, will follow this. But first, we need to peel back the mask that Miguna Miguna himself wears. Let us examine the untold Miguna Miguna story.
Anyone who has watched Miguna on television will have seen the staring eyes, the jabbing finger, the overbearing ranting and raving. But it was Justice Mohamed Warsame who referred very succinctly to Miguna’s inner turmoil, in dismissing, on December 15, 2011, the case Miguna had brought challenging his August 4, 2011, suspension from the Prime Minister’s office.
In his judgement, Warsame made some interesting observations about Miguna. Speaking of his own perceptions (not issues raised by lawyers), Warsame said that Miguna was a man “who exhibits mental and emotional fits in his defence of issues”.
He spoke of Miguna as having a “relentless sense of fighting back”, as one “who appears unpredictable and ready to fight”. Warsame added, “He is described as a man living in [a] mental darkroom.”
It is from the turmoil of this “mental darkroom” and out of his “relentless sense of fighting back” that Miguna decided to do his very best to destroy the man for whom he had previously and fervently declared his “love”, and whom he revered.
Miguna is a man of wild extremes. His actions have nothing at all to do with Raila Odinga. They have everything to do with Miguna Miguna, his lack of balance, and his distorted sense of self.
Let us begin by setting straight the record concerning the relationship between Miguna Miguna and Raila Odinga. Contrary to the wildly delusional claim in the publicity for his book, Miguna Miguna was NOT “for six years … the Prime Minister’s most trusted aide”.
Miguna Miguna was NEVER the Prime Minister’s most trusted or most senior aide. The fact is that Raila never felt he could fully trust Miguna, and that is why he deliberately kept him at arms’ length in an office on Nairobi Hill, and never allowed him to operate from his own town-centre office.
Trust is surely something that must be declared by the person doing the trusting. The Prime Minister has never voiced or shown such trust. The claim is entirely of Miguna’s own fabrication.
Then there is the “six years” Miguna speaks of. By his own admission, Miguna met Raila Odinga for the very first time in October 2006. Note that that is not yet six years to date.
Raila had gone to Toronto at the start of a speaking tour and from there continued to a number of similar functions in the USA. Miguna, of his own volition, travelled along with the party from his home of two decades in Canada, to Raila’s next stop, in Minnesota, which was the first of many on that tour – Washington DC, Atlanta, Huston, Omaha, Kansas City, New Jersey.
Miguna has claimed that he paid for this trip and met the expenses of Raila Odinga, a man he had never previously met, and certainly a man who had no need of or desire for Miguna’s sponsorship.
The tickets for the trip were, as confirmed by Raila’s friend Paddy Ahenda, who over the past weekend has consulted the relevant records, bought in Nairobi through travel agent Al Karim. It is one among many of Miguna’s self-aggrandising statements.
From that first meeting in Toronto, we fast forward four-and-a-half years – not six years – to the day Miguna Miguna was, on August 4, 2011, suspended from the office of the Prime Minister for conduct unbecoming.
During those four-and-a-half years, Miguna was an employee of the Prime Minister’s office for just under 2½ years, having been appointed by President Mwai Kibaki on March 6, 2009.
Six years? Miguna Miguna is a master of exaggeration and fantastical ravings.
After that first meeting in October 2006, Miguna (who, like everyone else, could calculate that Raila Odinga had a very good chance of taking power in Kenya the following year) apparently took stock of his own situation in his adopted country, and decided that this was his opportunity to leave behind a chequered and rather uncomfortable past, and to reinvent himself back in his homeland.
Much of Miguna’s legal work in Canada had consisted of assisting immigrants, including immigrants from Kenya. In the course of this work, the 40-year-old Miguna had been publicly arrested on November 4, 2002, and charged with sexual assault on one of his clients, a 19-year-old woman.
Miguna appeared in court for trial on July 14, 2003, when he was rearrested and charged with further counts of sexual assault on another immigration client.
The trial judge acquitted Miguna, ruling that the alleged victims’ evidence was partially contradictory and not strong enough (as so often happens in sexual assault cases) to sustain a secure conviction. The trial judge did not, however, rule that Miguna’s accusers had acted maliciously, nor that they had formed a conspiracy, nor that they had lied.
Miguna reacted in a manner we have come to recognise – by suing everyone in sight. The defendants ranged from the Queen of England through the Canadian minister of justice, crown attorneys and the Toronto Police Board, to police officers involved in his arrest, for what a Canadian Appeal Judge called “a galaxy of reasons, some existent in law, and many not”.
Miguna also sued a newspaper that had printed a police appeal asking anyone else who believed herself a victim of Miguna’s unwanted attentions to come forward.
Miguna sought Canadian $17.5 million in damages, but he lost just about all, if not all, the more than 20 cases he launched, ending up having to pay out tens of thousands of Canadian dollars.
Dismissing some of the cases, the Appeals Judge referred to Miguna’s “allegations based on assumptions and speculation” and said that Miguna could not “merely plead allegations that he believes may or may not be true”.
Miguna was apparently operating in the realms of fantasy and speculative allegations even then. It seems to be a pattern.
But now an opportunity to escape all that had presented itself. Miguna must have eyed his new acquaintance with Raila Odinga as the chance of a lifetime.
Throughout the following year, while still in Canada, Miguna tried to cement this plan by bombarding Raila with unsolicited and unwanted advice.
This is what Miguna now describes as having been a political strategist for Raila during the period. Knowing Raila, I doubt he ever even read those communications, or had time to give them any of his attention.
Raila Odinga is a consummate political strategist. Why on earth would he need to depend on a man who had been out of the country for 20 years, having run away at the first hint of trouble in 1987 – at the same time as Raila Odinga and many others were undergoing the torturous conditions and life-threatening privations of Kamiti, Shimo la Tewa, Manyani and Naivasha maximum security prisons?
Raila suffered many years of three separate detention periods and went into exile when a fourth threatened – but he stayed away only a few months, and then he returned to continue the fight for change. Unlike Raila, Miguna stayed away living a very comfortable life in a western nation for two decades, leaving it to genuinely committed others to fight the real battle for reforms.
During 2006-2007, Miguna was also trying to raise his public profile prior to his return to Kenya by bombarding newspapers with his articles. Many people became dismissive. Miguna was not back in the country yet but he was already becoming a figure of fun, not taken seriously. It is sad, for an intelligent man. But he brought it on himself.
Eventually, Miguna returned to Kenya, in September 2007, just in time for parliamentary nominations. He tried his luck in Nyando and failed miserably at the ODM nomination stage, gaining miserably few votes. Characteristically, he lost no time in instituting a court case.
Miguna then threw himself into working hard to become a member of Mr Odinga’s inner circle, tagging on to the group of advisers around Mr Odinga, some of whom had been Mr Odinga’s close friends for decades.
One thing that was not in question then was Miguna’s loyalty to Raila Odinga. But it became apparent that this was no ordinary loyalty. It seemed more of an unhealthy obsession. In fact, Miguna’s fervent declarations that he “loved” Raila Odinga eventually became somewhat embarrassing and worrying.
Miguna vociferously defended Mr Odinga at every turn, including during the disputed 2007 election count, when Miguna was present at KICC – as a volunteer activist, like many others involved in the campaign. Because of his size, his attitude and his brashness, Miguna was always seen and heard. He was difficult to avoid.
After the elections, Miguna was out of work for more than a year. The Prime Minister eventually agreed to take pity on Miguna, and offered him the post of ‘adviser on coalition affairs and joint secretary [with Kivutha Kibwana for PNU] to the committee on management of coalition affairs’.
That was more than a year after the coalition government had been formed. It had taken that long for people to persuade the PM to employ Miguna. The PM remained very wary and uneasy about the idea (in hindsight, how wise his judgement was!) but he succumbed to persuasion from within his team.
The deciding factor for everyone was Miguna’s apparently unbounded loyalty and his support for Mr Odinga’s championship of national reforms. Miguna’s legal history in Canada was presented in sanitised form, without mention of the charges against him, of which, in any case, he had been acquitted.
What was not fully evident at the time was just how inappropriate Miguna’s behaviour in public life would become. His grotesquely swollen ego would cause endless problems within the Prime Minister’s office and among the coalition partners.
His attitude gave rise to countless complaints from people who failed to find a way of forging a working relationship with Miguna, and who often finally had no option but to retreat in fear and dislike.
One employee even went to the lengths of writing to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights because of treatment meted out by Miguna.
He was, for example, though not yet employed in the Prime Minister’s office, present at coalition talks at Kilaguni in 2008.
To the intense embarrassment of the Prime Minister and the distress of everyone else involved, Miguna took it upon himself (after rearranging the chairs to his satisfaction, as he writes in his book) to circulate an agenda that had not been agreed, and thus virtually singlehandedly drove the last nail into the coffin of the talks.
No one could contain him. People who were present can attest to the severe public dressing-down Miguna got from the Prime Minister at the time. It was only one of many occasions on which the PM would similarly have to rebuke him.
Of course, Miguna himself has put a different spin on this story, so that it does not reflect badly on him. Others who were present can tell a different tale.
Miguna’s self-regarding behaviour again almost led to a diplomatic incident at a Rome Statute meeting in Kampala, where Miguna publicly contradicted the head of the Kenya team, former attorney-general Amos Wako, and also quarrelled with embassy staff there over the quality of his vehicle and his hotel room – which apparently was not superior enough for one of Miguna’s self-adjudged status.
Afterwards, Kenya’s foreign minister was forced to report to the Prime Minister’s office that Miguna “lacked tact and could easily have attracted a fight had it not been for the extreme restraint by the AG and others”.
Miguna Miguna has no brakes. He never knows when to stop. He is loud and large and pushy and intimidating. He is completely insensitive to other people’s reactions to him, and he appears unable to judge where situations require restraint and diplomacy.
Miguna only understands one language – the language of confrontation. He has no idea what it takes to keep a vulnerable political arrangement in place. He would prefer to destroy everything around him, as he has come close to doing so many times, on the excuse of “principle”.
This is not principle. Miguna thinks that shouting louder than everyone else and intimidating them shows “principle” in resolving issues. Unfortunately, that is not the case.
Miguna has no understanding whatsoever of the diplomacy and political strategy involved in ensuring that this country has remained stable under a government of competing forces. If Miguna had been in charge of the coalition, it would have collapsed long ago, and that might well have seen our country on fire once again.
It is not cowardice – one of his charges against Raila Odinga – that has achieved the comparatively smooth running of this very difficult arrangement. It is the wisdom to know when to insist, when to give way, when to bide time.
Miguna’s lack of political wisdom, which in his case is replaced by the equivalent of bludgeoning people over the heads with an axe, is the reason he became a dangerous loose cannon and a terrible liability to both sides of the coalition arrangement.
He arrogated to himself authority he did not have – and this is very evident in his prose. “I did this, I did that, I summoned people to a meeting” – and sometimes “we” did this or that.
Who is this “we”? Miguna’s behaviour ensured he had no friends in the PM’s office or in other arms of government. He simply inserted his unneeded and unwanted presence everywhere, going completely beyond his mandate. He had none of the authority he assumed, nor any of the leadership skills that he pretends in his overblown writing.
All that Miguna writes is evidence of his bloated sense of self. His overbearing behaviour was a serious embarrassment in every meeting he attended, as anyone who was present can attest to.
He pushed himself in everywhere, and no one could negotiate in the face of his belligerence. He still doesn’t understand this. He appears constitutionally unable to.
It might be appreciated from all this how very difficult it increasingly became to involve Miguna Miguna in any official duties, without feeling concern that some sudden eruption of frenzied fury on his part would jeopardise delicate negotiations.
He was rude to his staff, rude to his colleagues, rude to his employer, rude to everyone in the coalition partnership and rude to everyone he wrote about with his poison pen in his regular Star newspaper column. It was exhausting for everyone having to cope with this on a daily basis.
And contrary to his claims, Miguna did not write his Star column at the behest of the Prime Minister. It is a fact that Miguna eventually falls out with many of the people he encounters, and it is no surprise to know that, true to form, he has since fallen out with the Star management and no longer has a column in that newspaper.
One of my journalistic colleagues has raised an interesting question: Did Miguna always seek to attract hatred towards Mr Odinga? Was that why he wrote the way he did in the Star, always stirring painful controversy and calumny against the PM?
It is food for thought, especially in light of one of the most startling revelations to come out of Miguna’s book. He says people were jealous that, if Raila Odinga were not there, Miguna would be a contender for leadership of the Luo community.
Was this what Miguna always had in his mind? Was he, in fact, a fifth-columnist? It would certainly explain a lot and is an intriguing proposition, one that bears further scrutiny.
Back at the office, Miguna had also refused to sign the terms of his three-year contract, citing his lower remuneration than that of Kibwana, his opposite number in the coalition arrangement.
Kibwana was vastly more experienced in government, including having been a Cabinet minister in more than one ministry as well as a university professor – details that Miguna apparently felt should not be taken into consideration. Miguna was thus on a month-to-month arrangement.
The hostility between Miguna and Kibwana from day one meant that the two men met no more than twice. They could never agree on an agenda or the minutes of the two meetings they did attend. Miguna could no longer do his job.
Miguna made a signboard that he erected on his office door: ‘Permanent Secretary’ it declared, among other things. Miguna was nowhere near the level of permanent secretary. He was junior in rank to the PS in the PM’s office, to the PM’s chief of staff and to others. Miguna operates from behind a dense cloud of self-delusion.
He behaved as if he were in charge of everything, everywhere. From his book, if Miguna is to be believed, he was the prime mover, the chairman, the convenor, the secretary, the leader of every single department or committee touching the Prime Minister’s office. This is so far from the truth as to be completely ludicrous.
A further problem arose. As anyone who has worked in government or the civil service knows very well, rumours, lies and backbiting are rife. People are constantly trying to bring others down.
Miguna took everything he heard as being God’s honest truth.
He was extremely gullible and he exploded loudly on a regular basis, derailing serious discussions to veer off into what became his familiar realms of fantasy.
It is in this light that the PM’s tongue-in-cheek remark “Who told Luos not to make money?” should be read – sheer exasperation at Miguna bursting in yet again to disrupt the agenda of a government meeting with his latest baseless rumour.
It was embarrassing because it was nonsensical. Miguna was often chasing ghosts, and this became a huge encumbrance to operations in the Prime Minister’s office.
By 2011, Miguna had become an onerous liability for the Prime Minister and an overwhelming impediment to the smooth functioning of the PM’s office and to relations with other arms of government. Miguna’s consequent suspension on August 4 came as an enormous relief to many people.
As for Raila Odinga, he remains the person he has always been – a committed and untiring fighter for justice for his compatriots. His love of his country is in the lifeblood that runs through his veins.
Miguna has apparently said he detected that the Prime Minister once shed tears. Certainly, injustice can move Raila Odinga emotionally – and we say, thank God he is such a man.
Thank God he is not a man like Miguna and some others in this country, whose hearts contain the cold-blooded vengeance that gives them the ruthlessness to destroy anyone who stands in their way.
Leaving aside the PM’s eye condition – which causes his eyes to shed tears spontaneously, and for which he has so far had a number of operations, in both Kenya and Germany, without full resolution of the problem – Raila Odinga would be in good company if he wept for his nation and its lost opportunities.
Winston Churchill has been described as the most tearful politician of all time. In his own diaries he noted how he would weep in both triumph and despair. Second only to him was Abraham Lincoln, who would weep with emotion even on hearing the ‘Battle Hymn of the Republic’.
Dwight D Eisenhower wept publicly as he encouraged his troops before D-Day during World War II, George Washington wept at his own inauguration, General Colin Powell wept on Barrack Obama’s election, and Obama himself wept publicly when his grandmother died.
These tears are signs of warmth, genuineness and humanity. They are tears that signify a true and unalloyed belief in something good, something beyond the selfish. Let us all thank God that these traits, and this kind of disposition, distinguish the person who will be our next president.
Mr Miguna’s writings must be seen in their true light. It is the sad light of vengeance – a personal, blinding, hate-filled vengeance of a kind that appears to have characterised so much of Mr Miguna’s life, and which, in his spite and malice against the man who gave him the rarest of opportunities to serve his country, was his guiding spirit in writing this book.
Dear Kenyans as Many people are making misinformed information about the true story that happened at JKIA on Monday 26th March 2018.
Many people are talking about the inhuman treatment of Miguna Miguna but they have nothing to say about the abuse that he caused to the immigration officer, Police officer and customs officer.
I really have no business to defend any body or join the name calling club that have found pleasure in making unsubstantiated statements.
I would like to give an eye witness account because I traveled with Miguna Miguna on the same flight from Dubai to Nairobi. He sat three seats behind me and we boarded the same bus when our flight landed in JKIA.
The atmosphere was calm and when Miguna Miguna tried to make some side shows every body ignored him. Any body who travelled in this flight will bear witness to this fact.
Miguna Miguna came and overtook everybody who was on the que and then went straight to the immigration officer at the Diplomatic desk waving his ID.
I was being served on the counter adjacent to the Diplomatic counter. Miguna Miguna shouted at the officer and demanded to be let through he was calling him names which I dare not repeat in this forum.
A senior officer came and kindly requested him to go to the office where His papers would be processed as per the court order he defied and started causing a big scene. At that stage he was allowed through and came to pick his suitcases we stood very close to each other for a while waiting.
His suitcases arrived before mine and he walked towards the customs. He saw two police officers and started shouting at them calling them idiots.
This was a very well structured strategy to cause a scene seeing he had not received any media attention so far or any other attention.
The scene attracted more senior officers from the police force. By this time my suitcases had arrived. And I left the airport peacefully.
My reflections on the whole matter is that if Miguna Miguna had already gone past the immigration desk and collected his bags and no one had stopped or followed him this far. Legally he was in Kenya past the border post point of entry. Why is everybody including the media indicting that He was denied access.
Have the courts requested to see the CCTVs in the airports to determine their case or are they using the press as play into Miguna’s narrative whose intentions I guess is to attract sympathy from the international communities at the expense of his nation.
Are there NK other implications to the law breakers when a court order issued. Are people allowed to abuse immigration officers police office and customs officers just because the court had ordered them back to the country.
Why is there no Kenyan who felt aggravated by the kind of names that Miguna Miguna called our faithful officers does it mean because a few police officers did something wrong at some stage that all our officers be abused by anybody at will. I have no shadow of doubt that America, Britain or any other country that you consider to have better Human rights would do anything different.
Actually the warnings are very clear about Zero tolerance on anybody who verbally or physically abuse officers on duty.
Why are all Kenyan so glued to a man who has no respect for authority. Some of us know a Miguna who slapped officers in NYS almost 30 yrs ago . And we have followed him very closely both here in Kenya and in the Diaspora.
Miguna Miguna has no respect for His seniors, his staff, his supporters and anybody else close to him. He has publicly abused His political seniors in the Media.
So please spare me a holier than thou attitude to my government. I know everything is not right in Kenya and so is in the USA’s Trump Administration, Britain, Germany, Canada,Australia and other countries that you use as democracy models, you just need to watch a recent video of an American journalist being manhandled for a asking a very basic questions.
Who would bare the abuse that our leaders are subjected to in the name of democracy and constitution.
I have so many friends who for various reasons lost the Kenyan passports, or travel documents and when they want to come back home they all do the right thing, they go to their Kenyan Embassy and acquire travel documents. Why did a lawyer not see the need to get any documents. To travel? It would be a very solid case if he had presented himself in Canada, USA, UK or Dubai, countries that He visited or transited freely, it would have been a strong case if he sought travel documents and he was denied.
I wish all those who think they are in the sympathy camp of Self declared general Miguna Miguna well as for me the language, disrespect and complete contempt of the international law does not justify any sympathy and it does not set a positive precedent for any Kenyan who will have a genuine reason and want to travel with their Kenyan ID.
As I said this are my personal reflections based on a firsthand experience. I wish more people who traveled with Miguna Miguna could shed more light as opposed to giving the already polarised Media the chance to pollute-the minds of Kenyans by giving us their own views and make this the most important news for the whole week. Why have they not interviewed anybody who was on that flight?
My point is we have more important news.
Chief Justice Maraga and Justice Lenaola are some of the smartest lawyers we have in Kenya today and having reached the peak of their career at SCORK, in late 2016 they decided that they were too smart and intelligent to serve in a government led by Uhuru and Ruto who they felt were their intellectual juniors.
After several secret meetings they hatched a plan to make the judiciary the superior arm of government in Kenya and force the other two arms – the Executive and Parliament – into submission under them.
PARLIAMENT would be easy since Kenyans already had a very low opinion of elected politicians and all the judiciary would need was to allow the inherent greed of parliamentarians to grow the perception that this was a junior arm to the Judiciary. They would also send word out to other judges to allow parliament get whatever it wanted so as to annoy the public. They allowed parliament to reverse the SRC laws on salaries, get car grants the current crop of Mps are winning every case filed against them. This has made Kenyans fed up of Parliament and most members of the public don’t take them seriously any more.
After kicking Parliament out from public goodwill, the next plan was to undermine the executive. This was going to be a lot harder – and they would need help.
They first co-opted the civil society to ensure there is formation of a coalition to ‘check’ government excesses. The responsibility to manage this sector was given to DCJ Mwilu who they co-opted into their scheme, though the two didn’t tell her the whole plan as they did not think she could keep it confidential from Senator Wako and Speaker Muturi with who she had children. But they kept her close enough for when they would need numbers on the SCORK bench.
Once the NGO fraternity was in play they then reached out to the opposition through James Orengo. They co-opted the opposition into the conspiracy using the argument that jubilee had gone rogue and was bad for Kenya – and that only the judiciary stood in the way of a complete dictatorship. They told them they wanted to cause a constitutional crisis that would ensure only a coalition government of Jubilee and CORD/NASA would govern Kenya. This was an easy argument to sell to an outfit that was sure it would not make it to government through elections.
They then got the NGOs and the Opposition into a working partnership, and encouraged them to bring cases and politically attack and undermine strategically all those institutions necessary for security of the elections; starting with the IEBC and including the police, treasury, and even the military. This concerted attack against the electoral process was carried out with alarming success.
On 1st September 2017 SCORK then nullified the presidential election despite the fact that Uhuru Kenyatta had won clearly. Raila had not even seen the need to petition but Maraga personally guaranteed him that they would ensure Uhuru’s victory was overturned. However even he was shocked at the decision SCORK gave.
The trio of Maraga, Lenaola & Mwilu immediately became heroes – especially to Raila followers. However it also made them some very powerful enemies around Uhuru, but these they believed they could deal with once they forced Uhuru into a coalition government with Raila.
The whole idea behind nullification was to force Uhuru to react negatively. They expected him to refuse to accept the court decision and even prepped Raila on what to do to rally the country against Uhuru which included mass action which had the support of the courts. This would then result in violence against the state, and the constitutional crisis they needed would kick in.
Once the country got into crisis the civil society would step in with calls for dialogue which would immediately be taken by the international community. This would lead to a coalition government, with the Judiciary at the top of the food chain of power in Kenya. Maraga would be ‘First Among Equals’ are regards power dynamics in the country with the President forced to follow his instructions to sustain his mandate as head of state, with Raila as Prime Minister with a great debt to Maraga as the attack dog whenever Uhuru failed to play ball.
It was Machiavelli at his finest!
Then took the unprecedented step of following the SCORK order rather than reacting as expected. Maraga and Mwilu panicked. However Lenaola advised that all wasn’t lost; if the repeat election did not happen the constitutional crisis would still happen. Lenaola then reached out to Raila to boycott the repeat election. He also advised Raila to get money from Jimmy Wanjigi and facilitated the civil society and his opposition troops to start a war against Chebukati to have him quit at IEBC. Akombe caves in to the pressure and they jumped on her narrative.
Then the second unplanned event happened. Justice Mativo ruled that the repeat election was open to all those who had run in August. This immediately made Raila’s boycott inconsequential to the repeat election.
Maraga and Lenaola then decided to seek whatever avenues they could get to postpone the election. This would heighten national tension and even cause chaos, which would pressure Uhuru and finally force him into dialogue. They reached out to the NGOs to file a case challenging IEBC preparedness. They reached out to Chebukati to say they weren’t ready. Then they advised Raila to marshall his troops to the streets immediately they made the ruling, to demand for Uhuru to resign which would force Uhuru to reach out for a coalition.
To Maraga and Lenaola this was no longer a strategy to take over power. They were now fighting for their lives and careers. If they failed Uhuru would hang them. He knew what they had done, and had even publicly called them ‘wakora’.
All the cards were ready. The ruling was to happen on 24th October – 2 days to the repeat election. It was meant to be a devastating blow to Jubilee. It would show Uhuru – who had been out campaigning for the 26th election as impotent and at the mercy of the judiciary. It would show a triumphant Raila, who had insisted that there would be no election. The despondency that would engulf the Jubilee support base would be the last straw that would force Uhuru Kenyatta to the negotiating table.
The government tried to stop the judiciary from sitting to take this decision by first making 24th October a public holidays. Maraga, in one of the signs that showed he now considered himself – and the Judiciary superior to the executive – countermanded the executive and instructed that courts would operate despite the fact that the executive had declared the day a public holiday.
However this show of might by Maraga triggered efforts to discourage the SCORK members not to sit. On 24th October only Maraga and Lenaola were available. SCORK could not sit. The plan to stop the elections collapsed.
The entire Maraga/Lenaola plan started unravelling once the repeat elections actually happened. Even the desperate efforts by Raila to unleash his supporters to sabotage elections in his strongholds could not save the situation. The elections happened. The results came in with Uhuru Kenyatta now literally unchallenged by law and the constitution. Maraga and Lenaola could do nothing but confirm Uhuru’s election.
On 28th November 2018, as Uhuru Kenyatta and David Maraga stood before millions of Kenyans during Uhuru’s inauguration, both men knew they had been in a war, and one of them had lost. Uhuru Kenyatta was now firmly in office; legally and without challenge.
But Maraga was not done yet.
– END OF PART ONE –
(Look out for part 2)
Read why Maraga wanted Raila sworn in and how Judge Odunga pulled out at the last minute. Read about the ‘state of emergency’ Maraga was to call for as CJ on a ‘state of the nation’ national address that was to be run live on all Tv stations on the evening of 30th January 2018, after Raila’s swearing; and after the country witnessed the deliberately orchestrated massacre of at least 100 NASA supporters by people dressed as ‘police’ during Raila’s swearing in.
Read also about what Uhuru will do to Maraga, Lenaola and the Judiciary, in coming days.
Things are thick. Things are elephant. Things are bananas.The mood around Raila Odinga’s inner circle couldn’t get any worse than they are right now. The engineer has been convinced to architect his own downfall and how he has fallen. Things are thick. Raila’s allegiance to infamous power broker Jimmy Wanjigi and analyst David Ndii has turned out to be one of the worst political marriages in Kenyan history. Wanjigi loaded the gun, Ndii helped Raila aim at his own foot and both of them shouted ‘fire’ as Raila dutifully shot, blindfolded by his own greed for power.
In June 2017, Wanjigi promised to fund a preposterous scheme headed by Ndii in the guise of a parallel voter tally center. ‘Your votes will be secure’ they promised Raila and like a frog bulging by the riverside on a snack of flies Raila bought it. So convinced was he that he told everyone who cared to listen that he had a tally center in the sky. Wakihesabu tunahesabu! But it was a lie. Ndii never operated a cloud based tally center and Wanjigi never paid for the labor or infrastructure. There was a room, hastily put together with barely computer literate youth typing furiously what was barked at them to supply the desperate hope of an aging politician.
But it was too late. The election was lost for Raila and for three days he fumed, unable to meet the press or give clear guidelines to his supporters. If he called for immediate protests he would be discovered too quickly in a country still reeling from the effects of post-election violence. If he did nothing then he would seem weak in the face of the chest thumping he had engaged in before the elections. Silence was his companion in his confusion as his lieutenants put off the masses with vague directions and promises that Raila was alright.
It was David Ndii that hatched the plot to go to court even though senior counsel James Orengo had advised against it. Orengo never trusted Ndii, Ndii is a schemer where Orengo is a skilled strategist. But Raila, in typical fashion has always surrounded himself with schemers and not strategists. So Ndii won and Orengo was faced with the reality of Odingaism; scheme or be schemed out.
Ndii had a simple scheme up his sleeve. Through a network of judges and rights groups he would weave his magic and leverage the law to have the elections overturned not on number of ballots cast but on technicalities. Besides, there was already a network of returning officers who had been bribed or forced not to sign official election documents thus rendering them illegal. Why not use them now? Wanjigi’s backup plan for Raila’s victory had to be implemented, it’s probably the only thing he paid for!
So the petition was granted and the election nullified. Raila was over the moon. Ndii and Wanjigi had delivered a lifeline to him and after not speaking to Wanjigi for a week, Raila embraced him in the full glare of the media and their cameras. All was forgiven, all was well.
But the first round of elections was costly, and some managers of campaign contributions had vanished with most of the funds. So how do you run an election without campaign funds? Simple, make your supporters contribute to your campaign. Enter a paybill fiasco with no accountability.
But before Raila could set onto the campaign trail he had to deal with the new ‘enemy of the people’. Chief Justice David Maraga had agreed to nullify the election but he would not sentence an innocent man for crimes that had not been committed. Ask yourself, why would a judge say an illegality had been committed but not say by whom if the evidence before him told him who it was? CJ Maraga failed Raila so Raila had to finish off IEBC CEO Ezra Chiloba himself.
With 60 days he had two options; finish Chiloba or campaign. He had no time to do both.
His co-principals in NASA wanted to campaign. They knew they had lost critical support in the Coast region, Kajiado, the small pockets in the south Rift region and Western Kenya. To them, the fight against Chiloba could be taken after the election.
But Wanjigi and Ndii had other ideas. They and their cohorts in the Raila leaning civil rights groups thought that 60 days was not enough to conduct a successful campaign. But it was enough to precipitate a constitutional crisis which would in turn prolong the electioneering period indefinitely and force the nation into a situation where a caretaker government would be necessary. Who would lead this caretaker institution? Why not the sitting Chief Justice David Maraga (who is more accommodative to Raila Odinga than the President, Uhuru Kenyatta)? CJ Maraga would force the issue of an election on terms more agreeable to NASA, slanting the playing field in Raila’s favor and mandate the incoming government to facilitate a constitutional referendum within say 100 days. This referendum would likely include new posts for NASA co-principals as written in their MOU before agreeing to their current line-up.
Raila jumped at the idea of a caretaker government. And so the scheme was put in place, setting the country on the path of crisis. This crisis of course was to be set off by the abrupt resignation of some IEBC commissioners days to the repeat presidential election. The October 26th election would be scrapped, 60 days would elapse and viola, crisis.
But Raila wasn’t anticipating the sworn in Parliament to begin enacting corrective legislature to the flawed election laws. If the elections amendment bill was signed into law before the repeat elections, the crisis trigger via IEBC would be a misfire and elections would continue meaning a defeat for Raila. Wanjigi pressed Ndii to assure Raila that the bill was illegal because NASA MPs were not taking part in the process. But Raila was once an MP. He knew that NASA had been invited to the discussion and the best a court could do is spice up the suspense by ruling after the elections to uphold the passed amendments.
IEBC resignations to trigger the crisis would not work.
And it was too late to hit the campaign trail. President Uhuru had already wooed the masses in Mombasa and Bungoma while he was preaching boycotts and drinking tea with Wanjigi in a Nairobi hotel. The defeat would be final and legendary outside his strongholds.
Then Wanjigi and Ndii came up with a bombshell idea. ‘Withdraw your candidature’.
Like witches at a well they convinced Raila that the only way to force his constitutional crisis was to withdraw his candidature. ‘President Uhuru cannot run unopposed, it’s against the law and IEBC cannot hold elections with one candidate. Withdraw and force them to hold fresh nominations and after that fresh elections. There’s only two of you. If you leave there is no election. Simple’, they told him.
And he smiled and called for a press conference. And he withdrew his candidature. Then he sat back and waited for emissaries from IEBC and Jubilee to beg him to reconsider. The scheme was perfect, the country at his mercy.
Then a little known man known as Dr. Ekuru Aukot stumbled into the picture and took the smile right off Raila’s face. Having been on the previous ballot paper as a presidential candidate, he had been excluded from the repeat election and challenged this decision in the High Court.
You see, in his hurry to nullify the election and rush into the caretaker government, CJ Maraga failed to state who qualified to be in the repeat race. So Mr. Aukot sough clarification. And a day after he had withdrawn his candidature, the High Court ruled that Dr. Aukot must be included on the ballot paper, it is his right having been on the previous ballot.
And this ruling means that there are two names on the ballot paper; Uhuru Kenyatta of the Jubilee Party and Dr. Ekuru Aukot of the Third Way Alliance. If IEBC were to cancel the elections they would be violating the orders of the Supreme Court directing that they do so within 60 days of nullification of the first elections. So far Dr. Aukot has not expressed any desire to withdraw.
Now the trap has closed in on Raila. His withdrawal was public and unreserved. His advisers (Wanjigi and Ndii) failed to see Dr. Aukot and the High Court. Raila now has to swallow his pill without water and choke on his own pride.
If Raila rejoins the race, he will look like a joker who only intended to cause chaos and fighting. If he stays out, he will look like that monkey trapped by his own schemes.
Kudos Jimmy Wanjigi. You really got him good on that one.
Do you remember that rally where Musalia Mudavadi shouted “Nasa Raila!”. Well, it’s come true.
A source within the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) has revealed that as part of the institution’s system security IEBC created multiple system accounts in anticipation that there would be attempts to hack their servers during this year’s elections.
According to our source who did not want be named IEBC did not want a repeat of what happened in 2013 where the software program they were using was interfered with such that spoilt votes were multiplying.
A decision was then made to establish multiple dummy accounts on different servers a few weeks to the elections date. It is believed some passwords of the dummy accounts were then leaked intentionally by the IEBC.
On the night of 10th August 2017, two days after the general elections were held, hackers managed to access one of the systems from a location in Tanzania. However the hackers did not know that what they had accessed was a dummy account. Another attempt was also made from a house situated in Runda, but this one failed.
When we tried to pin down our source to confirm who these hackers were and what political side they supported all we were told was to use our brains. ‘Jubilee was leading. Why would they try to interfere with an election they are winning?’ We were asked.
We were also told that the hacking efforts stopped immediately some IT specialists brought in to the country by Salim Lone, NASA’s Head of Presidential Communication, were deported. These specialists were arrested from a tallying centre set up in one of Jimi Wanjigi’s properties.
Mr Wanjigi was NASA’s primary financier.It is quite interesting that NASA did not make any presentations at the Supreme Court about any hacking of the IEBC system, despite the fact that Raila Odinga called a late-night press conference on 10th August 2017 where he claimed that NASA had evidence that IEBC had been hacked. Raila even provided an IT expert to explain what had happened.
So, did NASA fall for the IEBC’s security system maneuvers?
NASA Principal Raila Odinga was to address the media on Tuesday 15th August where he was to give his supporters direction on the way forward after Uhuru Kenyatta was declared President. But this was never to be. A communication was released postponing the press conference to Wednesday. However we can now reveal all is not well within the coalition.
Isaac Rutto, Moses Wetangula and Kalonzo Musyoka are putting pressure on Raila to concede defeat, as this will leave them the time and space to prepare for the 2022 general elections. The three former co-Principals feel Raila is fighting a desperate and terminal losing battle which they are not ready to be part of.
On the other hand controversial businessman and financier Jimmy Wanjigi who is the force behind Musalia Mudavadi and the brains that put together NASA, has teamed up with Musalia and they are insisting that Raila must dig in and call for mass action up until Uhuru agrees to negotiate partial government sharing.
Jimi is demanding that Raila makes it clear to Uhuru that he must get ‘something’ from Uhuru’s government, or cause chaos.
However the reality is that Jimi intends that whatever government positions Raila gets from Uhuru become platforms for him to get access to government business are as a means of paying back the billions Jimi is owed by the NASA leadership.
Raila Odinga knows his illustrious political career has come to an end after this last loss but what he does not know is how to exit; as a political statesman, or as a political broker.
If the press conference finally happens tomorrow, we will know.